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The Master Plan
for World Domination --
Date: Thu, Nov 29, 2001,
Hello everyone;
This compilation focuses on the oft-repeated realization
that what happened on September 11
was not merely caused by some Muslim extremists,
but was deliberately allowed to happen.
There never was an intelligence failure.
There was a conspirational intent
to create a traumatic event that
would enable a master plan
whose consequences are
frighteningly clear now.
Jean Hudon
Earth Rainbow Network Coordinator
http://www.cybernaute.com/earthconcert2000
"The government's actions
in the period since September 11
constitute the most serious
and sustained attack
on civil liberties in US history."
Bush Administration Quietly Overturning
Environmental Rules in Name of Security
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Did the government have
knowledge before the attack?
"How nothing could have been picked up
[by U.S. intelligence agencies regarding the coming
attack]
is beyond me."
- Kenneth Katzman, Terrorism Expert,
Congressional Research Service
According to the information provided
by the mainstream media the attack
upon the World Trade Center and the Pentagon
caught the U.S. government by complete surprise.
There were no efforts to prevent the attack
before it was launched and no steps taken
to stop it after it was underway.
A surprising amount of information
has come to light since September 11
that supports the conclusion
that the government knew quite a bit
about the attack beforehand.
Was it a massive failure of our intelligence capability ~
or was the failure to act intentional?
Pertinent Items
1.. David Schippers, The Democrat from Chicago,
who served as Counsel to the House Managers
during the Clinton impeachment proceedings,
was interviewed on October 10, 2001.
He represents a group of FBI agents in
Chicago and Minnesota who state that they are not
being permitted to arrest certain terrorists.
They warned that there was going to be
an attack on lower Manhattan.
They were willing to testify under oath
about the information that they had uncovered.
Schippers called top government officials in Washington
before September 11.
All said they would get back to him
but he heard nothing from any of them.
1.. Although the media has said little about it
there is abundant and clear evidence
that forewarned investors profited handsomely
from their knowledge of the WTC attack
by large purchases of options.
"Put options"
provide the holder a highly leveraged
profit potential where stocks drop in price.
There were heavy purchases of put options
on stocks that were particularly harmed
by the WTC attack on the days just before the attack.
Morgan Stanley's main office was in the WTC
and heavy purchases of put options
were made just a few days before the attack.
The two airlines, American and United,
which had planes destroyed in the attack
were the subject of heavy option purchases
just before the attack.
"Shares in Morgan Stanley Dean Witter and Co.
which occupied 22 floors of the 110 story World Trade Center,
experienced pre-attack option trading of more than
25 times
the usual volume in put options, according to Bloomberg data."
"One day before two American Airlines jets
were hijacked and crashed, 1,535 contracts
[each contract is for 100 options]
changed hands on options that let investors
profit if AMR stock falls below $30.00
per share before Oct. 20.
That was almost five times the total number
of those put options traded before Sept. 10.
AMR shares fell $11.70
[on the first day of trading after the attack] to $18."
1.. The connection with the CIA and Deutsche Bank's
Alex Brown unit that handled at least one of the trades
which is unclaimed with a profit of $2.5 million
- is reported by Michael C. Ruppert. See his report
http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/illegaltrades.html
The Belligerent Bunch:
Rabid Journalists and Pundits Push Bush to Extremes
November 21, 2001
A rabidly pro-war cadre of journalists and pundits
have become cheer-leaders for an aggressive
and expansive war, and increasingly
draconian domestic policies,
following the terrorists attacks of Sept. 11.
As the Bush administration rapidly expands
law enforcement power and national security authority.
A phalanx of white male commentators
with magazines of opinion like the New Republic
& the Weekly Standard have become a steady bellicose
chorus,
flirting with macabre doomsday scenarios.
Their voices urge the administration to escalate
the battle beyond Afghanistan and to use more force.
By calling for Bush to step up the war effort,
curtail civil liberties, consider torture,
and imagine the deaths of tens of millions of Muslims.
These writers and TV personalities
have dominated the intellectual debate.
By grossly distorting the positions of critics,
they have helped to give Bush a free ride
and undermine healthy discourse.
This pundit group has upped the ante
for the Bush administration,
either pushing it further to the right,
or providing it with cover to keep pushing the envelope
-
- no matter how far the Bush administration goes
in expanding security power and
remaking the international landscape,
the war boys will still be calling for more.
Surprisingly, the Washington Post Op-Ed page
has become what may be the friendliest environment
to many of these writers. It used to be that the
Wall Street Journal's Op-Ed page
was the most reactionary and predictable.
The national print press
has stiff competition, as Michael Massing
notes in the Nation:
"Since September 11th, the Washington Post
Op-Ed page has been a playpen for columnist-commanders.
No fewer that seven regular contributors
compete to offer the toughest,
manliest views on the conflict.
William Kristol has used the page to attack Colin Powell,
George Will to thumb his nose at the State Department
and Robert Novak to deride the CIA."
Massing adds that the most ferocious of the
bellicose boys writing for the Post
is Charles Krauthammer, who expresses
"contempt for the administration's food drops
and concern for civilian casualties."
"Why have we not loosed the B-52s and the B-2s
to carpet-bomb Taliban positions?" Krauthammer asks.
Evidently six weeks of relentless bombing is not enough.
War expansion is a major goal of the belligerent bunch,
and now a defacto goal of the Post,
"since the paper has run at least a dozen columns
demanding the overthrow of Sadaam Hussein
yet not a single one has bothered to consider
how daunting the task might be," writes Massing.
Nor has the Post considered what an attack on
Iraq's impact might be on civilian populations.
No doubt this steady drumbeat for war
in the corridors of the capital has
its effect on the policy makers,
as most of the warrior pundits appear
regularly on TV and are quoted
by newsmen like Wolf Blitzer on CNN.
The far-right hysteria put forth by these militants
of the chattering class strengthens the position
of the right in the Bush administration.
One result, for example is Bush's support of
the Ashcroft plan for the establishment of kangaroo
military courts to jail or execute non-Americans.
President Bush admitted that this plan would involve
"dismissing the principles of law and the rules of evidence"
that provide the foundation for the U.S. legal system.
As conservative columnist William Safire
explains in the NY Times.
The Bush kangaroo court can conceal evidence
by citing national security and make up its own rules.
It can find a defendant guilty even if a third
of the officers disagree, and execute the alien with
no review by any civilian court.
In an Orwellian twist, Bush's order calls
this Soviet style abomination :
"a full and fair trial."
Fox News Network the most conservative
of the cable news operations has
also sounded a steady pro-war drumbeat.
Here's their star prime-time "go to guy," Bill O'Reilly:
"The US should bomb Afghan infrastructure to rubble
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- the airport, the power plants, their water facilities,
the roads. The Afghans are responsible for the Taliban.
We should not target civilians, but if they don't rise up
against this criminal government, they starve, period."
Perhaps the most disturbing
of the B-Boy habits
is their uncontrolled lust for revenge -
Revenge for the actual events of 9/11
and for theoretical future attacks.
In fact, doomsday scenarios,
like terrorists exploding a nuclear bomb in D.C.
seem to have been conjured up by the writers
themselves to instill fear and justify their positions.
It truly seems like a dark time
for debate and dissent in America.
Many patriotic critics, who offer complex,
nuanced responses, have been shut out
of the discourse, despite some willingness
to promote military response.
The current public debate
needs more light and far less heat,
as the future of the globe
is at stake.
Policy makers need to hear from and understand
the wide range of thoughtful patriotic opinion
that tends to be able to think short-term
and long-term at the same time,
a useful skill that is sorely missing
among the impulsive rants
currently distorting public debate.
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* A REAL EYE-OPENER!
ãBush's war at home:
a creeping coup d'étatä
By the WSWS Editorial Board 7 November 2001
In the period since the September 11
terrorist attacks on New York and Washington,
the United States has undergone a radical transformation
in the structure of the government,
in the relationship between the people
and the police and armed forces,
and in the legal and constitutional framework.
The White House has assumed vast new powers
for internal repression, establishing by executive order
an Office of Homeland Security
that is not subject to either congressional oversight
or any vote on the personnel appointed to run it.
An all-encompassing political police agency
is coming into being, through the passage of
an "anti-terror" law that effectively
amalgamates the FBI and CIA
and abolishes the longstanding separation
between overseas spying and domestic policing.
Side by side with the bombing of Afghanistan ~
The Bush administration has declared,
ãthere is a second front in the war,
the war at home.ä
The federal government issues vague and
unsubstantiated "terror alerts,"
which fuel anxiety
while providing no protection to the public.
Government spokesmen urge the population
to get used to measures like random police searches
and roadblocks as a permanent feature of life.
National Guard troops patrol the airports, harbors,
bridges, tunnels and even the US Capitol.
Fundamental constitutional safeguards-
the right of habeas corpus, the right
of the accused to know the charges against them,
the right of arrested persons to see a lawyer,
even the presumption of innocence
-have been set aside for millions of immigrants
from the Middle East and Central Asia.
The right to privacy has been all but abolished
for the entire population, with government intelligence
agencies given the green light to plant bugs
and wiretaps, monitor financial transactions,
and conduct other forms of spying,
virtually at will.
If the average American had been shown
on September 10 a picture of the
United States as it is today,
the response would likely have been:
"This is not the America I know.
This looks more like a police state."
The bitter irony is that such a sweeping attack
on democratic rights has been perpetrated
in the name of a war to defend "freedom"
and "democracy" against terrorism.
But neither the Bush administration,
nor its Democratic Party collaborators,
nor a compliant and complicit media bother
to explain the following contradiction:
the United States government never secured
powers such as these at any point
in the twentieth century.
Not in World War I,
World War II or the Cold War,
when the antagonists were powerful
and heavily armed states,
was such a radical restructuring of the governmental
and legal framework carried out.
Why is this happening today,
when the alleged enemy
is a small band of terrorists operating out of caves
in one of the poorest countries in the world?
The anti-terrorism law
One of the key elements of the assault
on civil liberties is the new "anti-terrorism" act,
which was rushed through Congress and signed into law
only five weeks after the terror attacks.
The law defines terrorism in such a way
as to include political activity and speech
previously protected by the Bill of Rights
of the US Constitution.
It provides wide-ranging authority for police agencies
to carry out secret searches, conduct expanded electronic
surveillance, and indefinitely detain terrorism suspects.
Non-citizens, including legal permanent residents,
can be denied reentry to the US for expressing
political views, and can be deported for having
even the most incidental association with organizations
designated as "terrorist" by the government.
Attorney General John Ashcroft last week
expanded the number of groups
so designated from 46 to 74.
Among the most ominous provisions of the law
is the abolition of the "firewall"
between foreign
and domestic intelligence agencies.
The Central Intelligence Agency
now has the authority to share information
with the Federal Bureau of Investigation
and thereby collaborate with the FBI in
conducting domestic surveillance
and preparing criminal prosecutions.
The FBI is likewise authorized to share
with the CIA information collected
during grand jury proceedings,
without a court order, giving the US spy
agency access to domestic intelligence
it had been barred from receiving in the past.
An article in the November 4 Washington Post
carried the ominous headline,
"An Intelligence Giant in the Making:
Anti-Terrorism Law Likely to Bring
Domestic Apparatus of Unprecedented Scope."
It noted that the media focus on the electronic surveillance
and wiretapping provisions of the new legislation
deflected attention from other provisions
of the bill that will fundamentally alter the
operation of US intelligence-gathering agencies.
According to the Post, one of the most significant
aspects of the law is that it "empowers the government
to shift the primary mission of the FBI
from solving crimes to gathering domestic intelligence."
The law reverses legal reforms enacted under
the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978,
which segregated the FBI's criminal investigation
function from its intelligence-gathering operations
against foreign spies and international terrorists.
The Post comments, "the bill effectively
tears down legal fire walls erected 25 years
ago during the Watergate era,
when the nation was stunned by disclosures
about presidential abuses of domestic
intelligence-gathering against political activists."
These changes go beyond a mere quantitative
expansion of certain investigative powers.
They constitute a basic restructuring
of the police and intelligence apparatus
to vastly expand its scope and reach.
In recent days, federal officials have urged
the lifting of legal restraints on
state and local police powers.
Deputy Attorney General Larry Thompson
lamented that Justice Department agents
"don't have enough eyes and ears"
to monitor terrorist suspects, and said restrictions
on local police departments "need to be looked at."
Many local police departments are already
scrapping rules on intelligence-gathering that
were established to protect First Amendment rights.
The Los Angeles Police Commission voted
last month to relax intelligence restrictions
adopted in the early 1980s, following disclosures
that police were monitoring anti-war protesters,
liberal politicians and other political dissidents.
Other big city police departments are moving to
revive the surveillance methods utilized
by "Red Squad" operations of the past.
Terrorizing the public
On October 29, the government issued its second
general terrorism alert in less than three weeks.
Declaring that major terrorist attacks against the
US or US interests around the world were in the offing,
Attorney General Ashcroft was utterly vague
as to the likely targets, methods or perpetrators.
He provided no information to support the claim
of imminent danger. He gave no instructions
as to how the public was to respond to the alleged danger.
However, he issued an advisory to 18,000
state and local police agencies to "continue on
highest alert and to notify immediately the
FBI of any unusual or suspicious activity."
Instructing the public
to accept extraordinary measures,
such as random stops or searches by police
or National Guard troops, or questioning by FBI agents,
Ashcroft said, "We ask for the patience and cooperation
of the American people, if and when they encounter
additional measures undertaken by local law enforcement
or federal law enforcement authorities and others
who are charged with securing the safety of the public."
As an immediate consequence of the alert,
National Guard troops were deployed in a number
of states at transportation centers, water supplies
and nuclear power plants.
These are in addition to the troops who have
patrolled major airports since the September 11 events.
At week's end, House Minority Leader
Richard Gephardt announced that Congress,
with bipartisan support, was authorizing the posting
of armed soldiers at the Capitol building.
The Supreme Court subsequently announced
it would bar the public from its hearings.
The government claims that the "terror alerts"
have been issued in order to warn and protect the public.
But with no specific information provided
about the imminent threat-when and where
the terrorists might strike-what is public expected
to do?
Their vacuous character
demonstrates that these alerts
are essentially fraudulent.
Their real purpose is to accustom the
population to invasions of privacy,
the dismantling of constitutional safeguards,
and a general militarization of society.
The authorities want people to accept
as a normal state of affairs the deployment
of armed troops at airports, public buildings,
bridges, border checkpoints and in the streets.
The Bush administration has seized on the anthrax attacks
as an additional means of bludgeoning the public
into accepting such far-reaching restrictions on civil liberties.
Although the evidence so far made available
suggests that extreme right-wing elements of the
Timothy McVeigh stripe are the most likely suspects,
the White House and the media constantly suggest
that Osama bin Laden is responsible for the
anthrax attacks, depicting his Al Qaeda network
as a pervasive and all-powerful threat.
Periodic alerts such as those issued October 11
and October 29 are intended to facilitate the
consolidation of the new apparatus of internal repression.
On October 29, the same day as the most recent alert,
President Bush presided over the first meeting
of the Council of Homeland Security.
This new and unprecedented body
includes-in addition to former Governor Tom Ridge,
who has been named the director of the
Office of Homeland Security-the vice president,
the attorney general, the secretaries of defense,
treasury, transportation and health and human services
and the heads of the CIA and FBI.
The powers of this council as well as those of
the Office of Homeland Security are vague
and undefined, and therefore virtually unlimited.
Following that meeting, Bush announced
the establishment of yet another agency
with unspecified police powers-
the "foreign terrorist tracking taskforce,"
headed by Ashcroft.
The establishment of this task force is
part of a new border policy that will enable
the government to more easily bar entry
to immigrants alleged to have terrorist connections,
and to carry out a general crackdown on those
applying for or holding student visas.
Mass arrests among immigrants
These far-reaching changes come under
conditions where the national security dragnet initiated
after September 11 is expanding, with the number
of people rounded up now standing at more than 1,100.
While federal officials will not say how many
of these detainees have been released,
a Justice Department spokesperson said
"a majority" of them are still in custody.
The roundup of these individuals has been
shrouded in secrecy, with the government
providing no information about the detainees' identities,
where they are being held, why they are being detained,
and what charges, if any, are being laid against them.
Many are held in solitary confinement.
The whereabouts of some suspects are
unknown to family members,
and others either have no legal representation
or have been denied contact with their lawyers.
Much of the legal action against those in custody
is taking place in secret court proceedings,
with court documents sealed to the public.
All of this is being done to shield the operations
of federal, state and police agencies
from public scrutiny.
The Justice Department has rejected appeals
from civil liberties groups and some congressmen
for information about the detentions, without giving any
explanation for its blackout. Kate Martin,
director of the Center for National Security Studies,
commented that the government's conduct in the
investigation is "frighteningly close to the practice of
'disappearing' people in Latin America."
Following each of the two national alerts
against terrorism since September 11,
the number of those rounded up by the government
has risen sharply, tripling in the past few weeks.
One of the main purposes of the alerts is
to signal state and local police to step up
their surveillance activities and round up more suspects.
While the mass murder at the World Trade Center
and the Pentagon is the pretext for the mass arrests,
not a single one of those detained has been charged
with any offense related to the September 11 attacks.
Even the Justice Department claims that at most
10 or 12 of those detained are suspected,
but not proven, of having links to the hijackers.
The vast majority of the arrests have another purpose,
unrelated to any investigation of the terrorist attack:
to intimidate the immigrant population and accustom
the American people as a whole to methods previously
associated with police-military dictatorships.
A "war on two fronts"
Government officials have emphasized that the
anti-terror measures adopted in recent weeks
should not be regarded as temporary.
At a briefing on October 29, Ridge declared,
"We want America to be on the highest alert.
And from time to time, we may issue
the same general alert again."
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld,
in a column in the November 1 edition of
the Washington Post, baldly stated that not only
should the American people accept an
open-ended war against terrorism,
but they must "prepare now for the next war -
a war that may be vastly different
not only from those of the past century but also
from the new war on terrorism that we are fighting today."
In other words, America is going on a war footing,
not for the duration of a specific conflict
in Afghanistan, but indefinitely.
Consequently, the domestic police measures
being taken now by the government must also be accepted
as a permanent state of affairs.
One catch phrase
has more and more routinely appeared
in the statements of Bush administration officials:
America is fighting
"a war on two fronts."
Announcing his terrorism alert last week, Ashcroft stated:
"I trust the American people to be able to understand
in this context the conflict, where there is a front overseas
and there is another front here in the United States."
Ridge said the following day,
"We are engaged in a two-front war against terrorism."
In an October 31 speech urging passage of his
economic stimulus plan, Bush repeated this mantra:
"For the first time in our nation's history,
part of the battle front is here at home."
Precisely what is meant by this "war on two fronts"
is never explained. But in light of the extraordinary
security measures taken by the government
since September 11, references to a battle on the
"home front" take on a chilling significance.
With their attempt to create an atmosphere of fear
and hysteria over impending terrorist threats,
authorities want to identify anyone rounded up ~
In their investigation as the enemy,
whether or not there is evidence against them.
The same methods will be used against those
who oppose the war against Afghanistan
and other policies of the government, domestic or foreign.
Before and after September 11
The government's actions in the period
since September 11 constitute the most serious
and sustained attack on civil liberties in US history.
No one should believe that this is merely
a reaction to the attacks on the World
Trade Center and the Pentagon.
Such measures have long been sought by the
most right-wing sections of the ruling elite,
who have seized on the tragic events of September 11
to realize their political agenda at home,
just as they are using them to launch
a US military intervention in oil-rich Central Asia.
These sweeping changes are the culmination
of two decades of political reaction and attacks
on democratic rights, which have seen a
steady buildup of the repressive forces of the state
-
two million Americans in prison,
thousands on Death Row, legal restrictions
on the rights of defendants, expanded powers
of police spying and electronic surveillance.
This has been accompanied by the emergence of a
fascist-minded right wing with little popular support,
but enormous influence in the Republican Party,
in Congress, and now in the White House.
Those who want to claim that the recent escalation
of the onslaught on civil liberties is simply a
response to September 11 ignore the critical fact that
the Bush administration came to power
on the basis of an unprecedented assault
on the most basic of democratic rights -
the right to vote.
The drive by Bush and the Republican Party
to hijack the election and take power,
despite having lost the popular vote nationally,
was consummated in a ruling by the
right-wing majority on the US Supreme Court,
which halted a legal recount in the pivotal state
of Florida, handing the presidency to Bush.
A government that takes power
by methods of fraud and conspiracy
must rule through the same methods.
This is an administration committed to a domestic
and foreign policy tailored to the interests of the
wealthiest & most privileged layer in American society.
It is also an administration of enormous crisis.
Prior to the terror attacks, the Bush administration
was showing clear signs of internal disarray.
Its already narrow social base of support was eroding
under the pressure of a deepening economic slump,
both in the US and globally.
The Republicans had lost control of the Senate,
and on the international front, the Bush administration
was increasingly isolated, with nominal allies as well
as enemies opposing its aggressive & unilateralist posture.
The events of September 11 were seized on
by those who run the Bush administration
as a welcome opportunity to shore up the government
and rally public support by launching a military attack
on the alleged perpetrators, while preparing for an
upsurge of social struggle over rising unemployment,
worsening slump and the government's
pro-corporate policies by expanding and
restructuring the police powers of the state.
The Bush administration's domestic "anti-terror"
campaign must serve as a sharp warning.
After the Florida debacle of November and
December 2000, there were complacent commentaries
in the press declaring that, unlike many other countries,
the bitter political struggle in the United States
did not end with tanks in the streets.
Now the tanks are in the streets,
and soldiers surround the Capitol,
in what might be called
a slow-motion coup d'état.
All of the traditional norms of bourgeois
democracy in the US are in question.
The Bush administration expresses the contempt
for democracy that pervades powerful sections
of the American corporate and financial oligarchy,
as well as their fascistic allies in the Christian
right,
the gun lobby and the militia movement.
They are determined to go as far as they can
in establishing an authoritarian regime.
Such concepts as the separation of powers
between the three branches of government
and legislative oversight of the executive branch
are being tossed aside in the effort to vastly expand
the police powers of the federal executive.
It is worth noting that at the height of the anthrax scare,
in mid-October, congressional Republicans favored
shutting down Congress and adjourning indefinitely,
the better to give Bush, the FBI, the CIA and the
military a free hand, both abroad and at home.
The Bush administration's war
on democratic rights
has exposed the inability of the Democratic Party
to offer any serious opposition to the extreme-right
forces that dominate the Republican Party.
Within hours of the September 11 attacks,
the Democrats pledged unconditional support
to the Bush White House, declaring that
political dissent was no longer permissible.
The Democratic leadership not only lined up
to give Bush an open-ended mandate to wage war
abroad, it insured the passage of his "anti-terror" bill,
suppressed any investigation of the unexplained
intelligence failure that allowed the September 11 attacks
to take place, and sanctioned the trashing of constitutional
safeguards in the ongoing police dragnet.
The political collapse of the Democratic Party is
the culmination of a protracted process of adaptation
to the most right-wing sections of the ruling elite.
In their craven response first to the
Republican impeachment conspiracy,
and then to the theft of the 2000 election,
the Democrats already demonstrated their inability
and unwillingness to defend democratic rights.
While for the moment,
the vast majority of those caught up
by the government's dragnet are immigrants
of Middle-Eastern and Central Asian descent,
it is only a matter of time
before these anti-democratic
methods will be used more widely.
The wholesale attack
on democratic rights can
only be halted through
the independent
organization
of the working class,
which unites all sections
of the working population-
immigrant and US-born-
in a political struggle
against the financial oligarchy
and its political representatives.
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